pete wrote:King, if I may call you that, please for a moment step back and review your own hyperbole.
Well that's just silly. My old school friend Carl, who you don't know but he's English and lives in a place called Hapton in Lancashire, does not mind sharing the pound with the Scotch. I know this because we chatted last night on the phone and this was one of our topics. So you're 100% is wrong, that is to say your use of eh phrase "100% of people..." is wrong. Moreover I want Scotland to keep the opund at first if there is independence. So that's 2.KingK_series wrote:100% of people in the UK do not want to allow Salmond to keep the £
Secondly Salmond will not be keeping the pound, he does not have the pound so it is not his to keep. Scotland might keep the pound, like Ireland did.
Scotland and Salmond are not interchangeable, if you could stop behaving like they are that would be very helpful and stop you looking parochial and ill informed.
I thank you for your deep analysis of Scotch politics - but you seem to presume that everyone who is in favour of independence reaches this conclusion using only their emotions. Some people have taken an intellectual approach to this. Most of the contributors to this thread share a common agreement on the status of the pound (amongst other things) yet their politics vary widely.
Their conclusions differ, but their understanding of the position is consistent.
What does that tell you?
pete
So you do not accept Carney's analysis -
- is that right?
Here is his speech;-
http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publicat ... ech706.pdf
here is his conclusion;-
Conclusion
The Scottish government has stated that in the event of independence it would seek to retain sterling as part
of a formal currency union. All aspects of any such arrangement would be a matter for the Scottish and UK
Parliaments. If such deliberations ever were to happen, they would need to consider carefully what the
economics of currency unions suggest are the necessary foundations for a durable union, particularly given
the clear risks if these foundations are not in place.
Those risks have been demonstrated clearly in the euro area over recent years, with sovereign debt crises,
financial fragmentation and large divergences in economic performance. The euro area is now beginning to
rectify its institutional shortcomings, but further, very significant steps must be taken to expand the sharing of
risks and pooling of fiscal resources. In short, a durable, successful currency union requires some ceding of
national sovereignty.[/i]
It is likely that similar institutional arrangements would be necessary to support a monetary union between an
independent Scotland and the rest of the UK.
I suspect you have reached your limits of endurance of
the dismal science, so you’ll be relieved to know that
economics can take us no further. Decisions that cede sovereignty and limit autonomy are rightly choices for
elected governments and involve considerations beyond mere economics. For those considerations, others
are better placed to comment
And here is an city analysis;-
WHETHER it is best for Ukraine to split, or the UK to join the emerging Single European State, or Catalonia to leave Spain, or Scotland to leave the UK are not fundamentally economic questions. Rather, they are bound up with constitutional issues, issues of identity, and the question of with whom one wants to share a future.
For Scotland to leave the UK would, in my view, be a catastrophe both for the values that Britain – that great fused project of the English and Scottish Crowns – has developed and projected around the world these past 300 years, and for Scotland itself – the great flourishing of which, in philosophy and finance and invention and economic theory in the eighteenth century, and then in military adventure and colonialism in the nineteenth century, occurred as part of Britain.
But although economic considerations are not decisive for the question of whether Scotland should become independent, they are relevant.
If Scotland leaves the UK, two things immediately follow. First, it will not participate in UK economic institutions. Second, it will not automatically be part of the EU.
Whenever a sub-division of a larger country or some member of a trade agreement proposes breaking away, it is always told “you are too small to survive in today’s world”. That is no more true of Scotland than it is of anywhere else. Scotland has many businesses – in electronics, agriculture, financial services, mining, and luxury foods, to name but five – that would compete strongly at international level if Scotland were independent. And even if it had none, it would find some.
However, just because a small country could operate happily enough by itself does not mean it would be economically well-advised to do so. Furthermore, one should not underestimate the transitional costs an economy choosing to go it alone might experience.
Scotland will not have a currency union with the rest of the UK. The Scottish National Party (SNP) claims that when Cameron and Miliband and Clegg and Osborne and Balls and Alexander say there will be no currency union they are bluffing. If the SNP really believes that, they are fools. Much of the British political establishment has spent nearly 20 years, in respect of the euro, arguing that a currency union cannot work without political union. There was no chance whatever of its reversing that position once Scotland came into the picture.
Even if English politicians were willing to compromise, the SNP appears not to grasp this difficult truth: English voters do not want Scotland to leave and, if it were to do so, would be mortally offended. Alex Salmond merrily claims that Scotland would be England’s best pal in the world after independence. I can assure him that the feeling would not be mutual. In the unlikely event that Scotland were to vote for independence, English voters would be incandescent. Their view would be that the Scots had voted for independence precisely and mainly because they hated the English. Their attitude to any suggestions of political accommodation would be: “If, after all we’ve been through together, you hate us that much that you’re off, then be gone!” No English politician could stand against the rage that would follow.
Scotland might eventually find a friend in the European Union. But it would have to sign up for all the details of the Single European State to have any chance of getting in. There would be no Scottish rebate like the UK rebate. Instead, Scots voting for independence will be voting to pay money towards the residual UK rebate. (Scandalously, some Scots appear to have been told that Scotland would get a higher rebate than at present. No chance.) Scotland would have to join the Schengen Area and the euro. Perhaps there would be some special arrangement at the English border, but perhaps not. Some 2m UK citizens regularly crossing that border might be held up in future.
What of Scotland’s oil and gas? For a short time that might provide some buffer. But there would be no Norwegian-style sovereign wealth fund, as the SNP still implies. Instead, there would be a race to extract what they could before fracking in England (which would be accelerated by Scottish independence, to provide energy security) and elsewhere drove down oil and gas prices to a level that made the North Sea uneconomic.
None of this need be a disaster. Britain is a fantastic constitutional and cultural project. Scotland should stay in it. But if they leave, Scots should do so understanding the economic challenges. The independence debate doesn't appear to properly reflect these yet.
Andrew Lilico is chairman of Europe Economics.
- Do you disagree with this too - ?